Written by Jaron Pearlman   

As mainstream western media plods along with ‘coverage’ of the imposing wars with ?Syria or Iran, and the continuing conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, it? conveniently keeps ignoring any violence not associated with attempts to dominate ?Middle Eastern trade routes. Much of these unreported violations of United? Nations Law, Geneva Conventions, and Human Rights occur in regions qualified as? ‘Third World’, its original meaning as ‘in the process of industrialization’. ?

The general model that creates a violent ‘Third World’ nation is as follows. An? advanced/established economic group of regions discovers a new undeveloped land ?from which to harvest resources and products for export. In traditional ?colonialism, this suggests absorbing the local workforce and economy into? larger, privatized trade- most times deflating worker pay/ product worth in the? native country. In addition to this, environment also suffers greatly due to lowered ?standards of preservation. New currency and debt structures are created as well? to force workers into the foreign export system, and keep the nation spiraling ?into a state of debt peonage owed to foreign entities (namely the ones? establishing the new economy/ usurping the national resources). Most times an established? regional economy will view a ‘Third World’ nation as a disposable resource- to? be used until both currency value and intrinsic national worth is nonexistent.
Because of this vampiric model the term ‘Third World’ now? represents countries with severe problems with debt, poverty, oppressive? regimes, or modern development. Naturally this causes multiple military? factions to form, including representation of the parasite colonial economy, nationalists, insurgent forces for new governance, civilian militia and? religious zealots, relief forces from the UN /other nations, or mercenary? weapon/resource runners.?

One group living among all these unaddressed horrors are the Rohingya Muslims of ?Burma (Myanmar). Burma resides across from India, over the Bay of Bengal. It borders Thailand to the southeast, Laos, Vietnam, and China to the east and north, India ?and Bangladesh to the west. The border of Burma and Bangladesh is a small one-?the main Burmese region next to the border being the Arakan, now known as the? Rakhine (the district of Chin borders Bangladesh as well). This is currently? where about 3.5 million Rohingya Muslims are from (though many have been? relocated). They share this state with indigenous Rakhine Theravada Buddhists. Muslim immigration to the Arakan region is thought to have occurred around the 8th?century CE (700 AD). Among the Burmese, Theravada Buddhism was the preferred? religion- while neighboring Bangladesh had primarily Muslims- but also Hindus ?and Christians.

A good starting point to begin analyzing the Rohingya was the ?settling of Bengali Muslims in the Arakan (Rakhine) State under the Buddhist ?King Narameikhla.? At the time Arakan was the independent Kingdom of Mrauk-U, a Dynasty based? governance separate from other Burmese/Bengali states. In 1406 Narameikhla was? driven from Arakan by the Kingdom of Ava in northern Burma, and sought refuge? from the Muslim Sultans of Bangladesh. In 1429 he was able to regain control of ?Arakan, allying himself with the powers of the Bengal Sultanate military.? In exchange for their help, Arakan became a province of Bangladesh, and the Buddhists ?became much more Sultan-like, implying royal divinity and further heightened ?rule of Narameikhla and more dramatic class divides. The Arakanese citizenry also became much more ?populated with Muslims immigrating from Bengal and the Middle East- mixing quickly? with the local Buddhists. In the mid 1400s, the Arakan kingdom retook their sovereignty-?occupying parts of Bangladesh as well, including the costal region of? Chittagong and inland trading area of Ramu. It wasn’t until 1795 that Burma officially ?took over the Arakan Kingdom, and assimilated it due to westward expansion by ?the Burmese King Bodawpaya.

As political power shifted from a Muslim friendly ?government to statist Buddhist regime the fate of Muslim Arakanese shifted. Chittagong? and Ramu had already been taken over in the 1680s by the British East India ?Trading Company (creating a colonial Third World endeavor), and the Burmese ?Buddhist majority were not fond of the indigenous Muslims- or the more recent Islamic? immigrants from Bengal, Pakistan, China, and India. Discrimination of the ?Rohingya began with social limitations, such as inability to own land or? operate business, engage in marriage, or move freely about the country.? Independent groups of both Muslims and Buddhists also engaged in full on? conflict (often state sanctioned by Burma). Before full apartheid came about? however, the British took control of Burma in 1886 after series of British-Burmese ?Wars that indebted the indigenous Burmese and took control of the national? economy.

As the years went on under British rule, violence ?between the Rohingya and Rakhine continued, only slightly curbed by British? governance. The exports of Burma and Bengal were widely valued in the west and? east- including poppy, rice, fabrics, beans, marine life, precious gems, teak, ?and rubber. In addition to this, the location of both countries provided? opportunities for bustling trade routes along the Bay of Bengal- connecting? Indian, South Pacific, and Chinese economies. The British control lasted well ?into the 20th century, when World War Two severed ties between the? west and Burma.? Japan invaded Burma in 1942 and pushed the British out of control- forcing them back into? Bangladesh (still then considered part of British India). In order to prevent? further Japanese occupation of British lands/assets, the UK armed Rohingyas in? Arkan but put Burmese Buddhists back in control of the region- sparking further? violence and chaos. Amidst the power vacuum left by the British, religious, ?nationalist, insurgent, foreign, and private forces clashed, preventing Japanese advancments. The Rohingya were? massacred in massive droves. Many civilians retreated to the forests while? attempting to avoid being shot on sight, cut down with swords, beaten and? pulled by livestock/automobiles, or raped and murdered publicly. The assault on the Rohingya was spurred on by? their newly armed brethren, and came from all sides- the Japanese attempting to? clear the region for wartime assimilation, the Burmese Buddhists seeking? cultural ‘cleansing’, and the western powers using Rohingya for a literal? bullet shield. Approximately 40,000 had to flee to Bangladesh, losing family ?members and livelihood in the process.

After the war ended and the Japanese were ejected, Muslims in Arakan and? Bangladesh sought to reinstate a Muslim nation in Arakan. This newly organized insurgency?(called Mujahid) aimed at rejecting the Buddhist state of Burma and creating a? new country resembling old Arakan under King Narameikhla. 1978 saw an end to ?this, as the Burmese military retook control of Arakan and scattered the ?insurgency. Though some remnants of the militant Mujahideen still exist in the ?region, this was the beginning of the current plight of the civilian Rohingya.

The current Theravada Buddhist rule is one based around strict? nationalization of most major exports and a military state. Though a growing? private sector is in the process of establishment, the Burmese government is? very strict in its control of economy and citizenry. This has created a long? standing streak of state sanctioned violence against Chinese (Taoist,?Confucianist, Muslim), and Rohingya civilians. The publicized reason for this?(this is not a Burmese government statement) is a Buddhist fear of Muslims? conquering Burma and ejecting Buddhists as done in Indonesia, Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Malaysia.? Rakhine and Rohingya tensions have come to a head in the past few years leading up to 2014.?Though the reasons for escalated riots and violence are not confirmed the widely accepted? story began in May 2012.

Allegedly a group of (Rohingya/Mujahid) Muslim extremists? raped and beat an ethnic Rakhine woman by the name of Ma Thida Htwe. This? spurred a reaction from the local Rakhine Buddhists to stop a bus filled with Rohingyas? and kill ten of them. Out of this circumstance widespread rioting and racial? violence ensued, spreading from Arakan to the rest of Burma. As the summer ?continued the Burmese government declared a state of emergency and martial law,? saying they were attempting to quell the rioting, destruction, and murders. Then in ?July, Burmese (Myanmar) officials did not include the Rohingya in their national? census, where they had previously been classified as stateless Muslims from? Bengal. With no national recognition full blown apartheid racism sprung into ?effect, backed by the Burmese government. With no official national identity? the Rohingya became subject to abductions, physical and psychological torture,? unsanitary living conditions in camps filled with human waste and fear, and? unrelenting visceral murders.

Some Rohingya fled to neighboring Muslim countries, while many of those ?who stayed in Burma face confinement in IDP camps (around 100,000 people). In? these camps widespread reports of rape, murder, and human rights violations are? abundant- despite the severe lack of journalism permitted. Media showing ?children engulfed in flames, charred remains of dozens of people thrown in mass? graves, families being torn apart at gunpoint, and boats full of sobbing,? shattered families still make its way into the public eye via alternative news- but are? not reported in western mainstream media.

Rohingya that chose to flee to Thailand and Bangladesh (the easiest ?countries to reach by sea) face two common outcomes. As they arrive in overcrowded,? barely seaworthy boats, Thai and Bengal military force the Rohingya to turn ?around and face the open sea or Burma. The reasoning being both countries do? not wish for the responsibility of caring for displaced/stateless people. Alternatively?, both nations have been known to purposefully remove Rohingyas from border camps ?and deliberately tow them far into to Bay of Bengal with no food, water, or? means to survive. Many die in the Bay from malnourishment, thirst, or drowning ?in storms at sea. Should they return to Burma, they are subject to harsh mortal? threats- and the inability to work, visit family, see doctors, or be involved ?in daily communal activity. Ironically, despite having no citizenship many are? still taxed on what little they have-often in the form of labor under penalty ?of death.?

What is happening in Burma reflects a common problem seen in a country with various ?interests and regular economic upheaval. As Burma struggles to join an effort for globalized ?trade it is being forced to accept an ever-widening private sector while trying? to maintain its sovereignty. The Theravada Buddhists there are wary of such ?things, and for good reason seeing how Burma (especially Arakan) has been ?possessed and repossessed repeatedly. This, in conjunction with the ever? present Burmese distrust for Muslims, has created an environment where it is? acceptable to persecute the Rohingya minority.

What is noteworthy is that neither Buddhist nor Muslim civilians are at ?fault. Rather, the factions that persist in fueling these atrocities are to? blame. The Buddhist ‘969’ anti-Muslim movement, and remnants of the Mujahideen ?insurgency are both very active- as is the overt political racism and agendas ?surrounding Burmese affairs.
One such example is in the eastern Shan state of? Burma where international pressure for a Chinese oil/gas pipeline has been ?opposed greatly by the local population. Recently the nationalist anti-Muslim?‘969’ movement has picked up support in the region- potentially prompting the ?Burmese military to take control to ‘prevent’ riots. This would make ?international acquisition of oil/gas from the Shan much more difficult. For? nationalists in Burma a conflict in this region could prove to be useful in ?killing/driving out Muslims and keeping international hands out of the Shan ?state.

Considering all the interests at work, its hard ?to pinpoint who is benefiting from the plight of the Rohingya and how. What is? clear though is the nature of almost every conflict. Under the veil of? religious occupation and cleansing, world/ Burmese economic powers are laying ?stake to Burma at the cost of its most helpless minority. The Rohingya? civilians are left with no place to flee, nowhere to contribute to community,? and nowhere to grow. What is also unclear is the fate of Arakan (Rakhine). It? seems to be afflicted with the same perpetual war we see in the Fertile? Crescent- a long standing hatred of religious diversity disguising a struggle ?to control trade.

This plight of the stateless begs the questions:? What is suffering worth to the world? Is genocide worth rubber and rice? What? is it worth to the governments? Is immolation of a community worth teak and ?gems? What is it worth to the individual? Gas, Oil, beans and poppy?
We must ask ourselves: What is it worth to you?